A Sad Day
December 17, 2000
By Selwyn R. Cudjoe
December 11, 2000 will go down as a dark, dank and dismal day for
Trinidad
and Tobago. It marks the day when T&T took its first step towards becoming
another Haiti; the moment when corruption entered the pores of the
democratic
system; a time when the decay of the moral center of the nation began.
There can
be no doubt that the election was stolen from the PNM. Patrick Manning can
and
will emerge as the next Prime Minister of the nation after all is said and
done.
It must be reiterated that the UNC only captured 17 seats. If the
rule of
law prevails (and it will) the Pointe-a-Pierre and Ortoire/Mayaro seats
must be
awarded to the PNM for the simple reason that Winston Peters and William
Chaitan
were both ineligible to run for office. Therefore, they cannot take their
seats
in Parliament. The courts have no other recourse but to rule that these two
seats belong to the PNM. For those who believe that perjury is a small
matter,
in a more sophisticated democracy a president was impeached for telling,
what to
his mind, must have been an insignificant lie, under oath. Most of us lie
when
we are caught in marital infidelities. That did not stop the US House of
Representatives from impeaching President Clinton.
The notion that the people have spoken and therefore we ought to be
guided
by their wishes or that Peters and Chaitan did not lie intentionally is
irrelevant. No one is willing to set a murderer free if he merely intended
to
wound someone when he administered his fatal blow. Nor, for that matter,
are we
willing to allow a 15 year old (who looked like eighteen) to represent a
constituency if he was elected by the people.
Incidentally, the people
ís will seemed to of no consequence when Vincent Lasse
and Rupert Griffith betrayed its PNM constituents and supported the UNC.
Laws
cannot be changed retrospectively to accommodate the desires of those who
dishonor them.
President A. N. R. Robinson has no other choice than to ask Manning
to head
the next government since PNM possesses 18 as opposed to UNCís 17 seats.
Using
his discretion, the President should assume that Pointe-a-Pierre and
Ortoire/Mayaro belong to the PNM until the court makes a final
determination.
To understand the irregularities that took place in this election one
only
has to look at the Tunapuna situation. When the 2000 Votersí List came
out, over
four thousand names could not account for. After the election, over eleven
hundred of those persons voted in Tunapuna. It is important to find out
how many
of these persons really live in the Tunapuna constituency. A systematic
study
may reveal that most of these persons voted illegally in Tunapuna.
Certainly,
the announcement by the head of the EBC that one should vote where oneís
name
appeared on the poling list did not help matters at all. It is mind
boggling
that an institution pledged to neutrality urged the electorate to violate
a law
that was set up for their own protection.
There were other irregularities as well. On Election Day, there were
also
reports that calls were being made by UNC representatives to persons with
telephone codes 655- asking them to come out and vote in the Tunapuna
constituency. Somaria Neverson, a senile woman, was brought to vote by her
daughter, Pearl. When Somaria signed the affidavit, she asked if she was
signing
for her pension. Her daughter voted for her. At another address on Beccles
Street, there were over ten additional persons that could not be found.
When the
PNM objected before the election, they were told there was nothing
they cold do. When, Oswald Wilson of the EBC said that one could vote
where one
name appeared, such an announcement sealed the fate of Hart.
At about 5:10 p.m., on Election Day, Errol Jeffers rushed into the
PNM tent
in Tacarigua. He had gone down to a poling station at the El Dorado Senior
Comprehensive only to discover that someone else had voted for him. Plead
as he
may, he was not allowed to vote. When Nigel Brathwaite arrived at Poling
Station
1655, he discovered that the names of his mother, Ingrid Brathwaite, and
sister
Jay Brathwaite had voted already. The only problem with such efficiency
was that
both Ingrid and Jay reside in the USA. They could not have voted.
Voting in a constituency in which one does not belong does not only
violate
the law; it also deprives the residents of that community from selecting
the
candidate of their choice. The massive violation of the electoral law in
the
Tunapuna constituency suggests that the constituents did not elect Mervyn
Assam
to office. Phantom voters and massive irregularities determined Hartís
fate.
When one considers that Hart lost the Tunapuna seat by 299 votes, it is
clear
that these irregularities were responsible for his defeat. More
importantly,
they are sufficient to launch a formal objection (which will be done) and
to
call for a new election in Tunapuna.
On November 16, 1532, Francisco Pizarro, a Spanish conquistador,
encountered emperor Atahuallpa, the absolute monarch of the Inca Empire, in
Peruvian highland town of Cajamarca. With a ragtag group of 168 soldiers,
Pizarro defeated Atahaullpa who commanded 80,000 soldiers. Although
Pizarro used
some of the most brutal methods to annihilate Atahaullpa and his men (he
even
executed Atahaullpa in the end, despite his promise not to do so), this
encounter changed the entire course of American history. It was the
decisive
moment when the native peoples of America went into decline.
This might be too dramatic an analogy. However, if the UNC gets away
with
stealing this election, December 11, 2000 would stand as the day when
democracy
went into decline and anarchy began. A government elected under fraudulent
circumstances can have no legitimacy. It simply heralds in the
Haiti-nization of
the society.
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